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제목 DP/PP asymmetry in English infinitival relative clauses
저자 김양순
권 / 호 25권 / 2호
출처
논문게재일 2017.6.30.
초록(국문)

Kim, Yangsoon. (2017). DP/PP asymmetry in English infinitival relative clauses. The Linguistic Association of Korea Journal, 25(2), 61-84. The purpose of this paper is to present the proper syntactic structures and analyses for finite and infinitival relative clauses and explain why there is a DP/PP asymmetry only in infinitival relative clauses in terms of preposition stranding and pied-piping of a wh-relative phrase and a preposition. In the infinitival relative clauses, the pied-piping of a preposition and a wh-relative pronoun is possible but preposition stranding is not possible. I propose the separate and different analyses for finite and infinitival relative clauses: the determiner complement hypothesis or the CP-adjunction hypothesis for finite relative clauses vs. the PP-adjunction hypothesis for infinitival relative clauses. The contrast in the DP/PP asymmetry relates specifically to the finite/non-finite structural distinction of relative clauses. In the proposed analysis of PP-adjunction to NP(N') with an obligatory head P-raising and a subsequent DP-raising for infinitival relative clauses, the DP/PP asymmetry can be easily and explicitly explained in a minimalist way.

초록(영문)

Kim, Yangsoon. (2017). DP/PP asymmetry in English infinitival relative clauses. The Linguistic Association of Korea Journal, 25(2), 61-84. The purpose of this paper is to present the proper syntactic structures and analyses for finite and infinitival relative clauses and explain why there is a DP/PP asymmetry only in infinitival relative clauses in terms of preposition stranding and pied-piping of a wh-relative phrase and a preposition. In the infinitival relative clauses, the pied-piping of a preposition and a wh-relative pronoun is possible but preposition stranding is not possible. I propose the separate and different analyses for finite and infinitival relative clauses: the determiner complement hypothesis or the CP-adjunction hypothesis for finite relative clauses vs. the PP-adjunction hypothesis for infinitival relative clauses. The contrast in the DP/PP asymmetry relates specifically to the finite/non-finite structural distinction of relative clauses. In the proposed analysis of PP-adjunction to NP(N') with an obligatory head P-raising and a subsequent DP-raising for infinitival relative clauses, the DP/PP asymmetry can be easily and explicitly explained in a minimalist way.

첨부
  4.김양순.pdf
  4.김양순.hwp
 
 
 
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